The Libertarian Party Can Only Harm
Liberty
Logic and History Show It!
Let's assume a worthwhile proportion of voters vote on issues or
ideology. That may or may not be true, but if it's not then there's no
reason to have an ideologic political party. Further assume for now that
candidates nominated solely by the Libertarian Party have no chance of
winning worthwhile public offices; we'll come back to that assumption
later within.
An issue to get out of the way is whether voters act knowledgeably. The
rationally ignorant we can assume to be non-voters or at least to cancel
each other out, but the question is whether the remainder know what's
good for them or are deluded. If you take the position that people
generally are deluded or are too stupid to do well by themselves, that
cuts a major prop out from under libertarianism. You could
theoretically still believe in libertarianism on ethical grounds, even
though you believe that laissez faire will lead to most people's making
their own lives worse, but I strongly doubt many will take that
position! Or you could take the position that most people are
incompetent, but that both democratic and nondemocratic rule are
inferior under the circumstances, and will drag down the few competent
persons. However, that position pretty much makes all libertarian
political activity futile, doesn't it? So we are left with the
assumption of a worthwhile proportion of interested and reasonably
rational and intelligent voters voting on issues or ideology.
Case 1: There's no worthwhile
difference between the major political parties (and by "parties" we mean
the candidates, the leadership, the rank and file, and nonmembers who
tend to vote their way). That should be reflected in a lack of
worthwhile difference in ideologies the candidates represent, and if
that choice is bad it's a Kang-vs.-Kodos election in terms of Simpson
cartoons. A Libertarian candidate running against them has no chance of
being elected, we're asuming for now, but may get some votes, possibly
more than the difference between the votes for the major candidates. A
balance of power! However, if the voters are intelligent and voting on
ideology, Case 1 will lead to the Libertarian drawing votes in equal
proportions from the Democrat and Republican bases. If that's so, it
means the Libertarian entry made no difference in the outcome of the
race. That's a position of 0 leverage.
Case 2: There is a worthwhile
(in terms of effect on individual liberty) difference between the
Republican and the Democrat. That means if a balance of power is
achieved as in Case 1 (more than the difference in a close election),
it's because the Libertarian nominee drew more from one party's base
than from the other (because there are more libertarian voters, or more
libertarian sentiment among voters, in one major party than the other).
Congratulations! You, Libertarian, just swung that election to the less libertarian candidate.
Case 3: There is a disconnect
between the leadership and candidates of one major party and its
rank-and-file, which is more libertarian. This is like Case 2, but it
gives a good reason for the voters of that party to defect. However,
such a situation contradicts the rationality and ideologic orientation
assumptions above, so it will arise too rarely to base a political
strategy on. By and large, the parties' candidates and leadership will
reflect their bases.
But even if there's no major disconnect, whether Case 1 or Case 2
applies, wouldn't those building the Libertarian candidate's vote total
hope to be co-opted by major party candidates in the future? The idea
being, either candidate could pick up those balance-of-power votes in
the future by adopting one or more positions of the Libertarian
candidate. But a little reflection with the ideologic and rationality
assumptions shows this fantasy to be, well, fantastic. Say the votes
come out approximately 49-49-2. Why should candidates drool over that 2%
the Libertarian got, when adopting positions to go after them could
jeopardize the 49% the major candidate got? Even the loser among the top
two can console hirself, "At least I didn't get 2% like the
Libertarian. I better not touch those positions!"
There's only one circumstance of policy positions that would, and often
does, justify going after that niche vote: an issue that motivates niche
voters while not significantly repelling other voters. That actually
happens a lot in minority interest group politics. But what positions
can you name that libertarians are hot about that arouse no great
opposition? By and large, issues are important to libertarian activists
because and to the degree that they are opposed by large (and
motivated) majorities!
So a spoiler strategy will at
best be futile, and at worst do harm. But how about a strategy based on
building to the point where Libertarian candidates will actually win
important elections? Here history tells you, forget it. There's been
only one time in USAn history that a political party has displaced an
existing major party. It was mostly over the issue of slavery and
spawned today's Republican Party. Within just a fewyears of its
formation, that party contested seriously for major offices. Other than
in New York with its major practice of cross-endorsement of candidates
by more than one party, in the USA new political parties have tended to
achieve their maximum strength within a short time of their formation.
Some have declined slowly from that peak, others disappeared fairly
quickly, and one, the GOP, became a major party.
The Libertarian Party is long past the duration established by history
for a political party to catch on big. Conditions for that to happen
are, by my assessment, considerably worse now than they were during the
first decade of LP's existence. If the party had a chance to succeed as
a political party, it would've done so by now.
Robert Goodman
July, 2004
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